The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sun Jan 31, 2016 10:03 am




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Mon Feb 01, 2016 10:18 am



http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/01/donald-trump-2016-authoritarian-213533


http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/01/donald-trump-2016-brand-business-213515




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Mon Feb 01, 2016 11:21 am




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  woo on Mon Feb 01, 2016 3:05 pm

http://time.com/4104041/larry-david-donald-trump-racist/

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Tue Feb 02, 2016 8:42 pm



http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/01/donald-trumps-art-of-the-fail-213578

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Tue Feb 02, 2016 8:46 pm





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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Tue Feb 02, 2016 8:55 pm

{censored by goobler}


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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Tue Feb 02, 2016 9:04 pm

{censored by goobler & sandy}


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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Tue Feb 02, 2016 9:23 pm


i just noticed Rubio giving his 3rd place victory speech in front of a "NEW AMERICAN CENTURY" banner - his slogan and a dead giveaway, The Project for the New American Century was an Illuminati think tank that went underground once it was exposed






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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Wed Feb 03, 2016 11:32 am



today in Hampshire: Chris Christy, the BIGGEST Springsteen fan in all of Jersey, called Marco Rubio "the boy in the bubble" more than 10 times.   Cool

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Wed Feb 03, 2016 8:18 pm




do you know how Iowan incompetence can change trajectory of humanity?

-cruddy Iowa Caucus computer system crashed in 1980

-thus H.W. Bush wrongly named winner of Iowa Caucus

-thus H.W. Bush selected as Reagan vice prez

-thus birth of "Bush Dynasty"

-thus presidency of W. Bush


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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Fri Feb 05, 2016 11:43 am







http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/01/donald-trumps-art-of-the-fail-213578

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/02/how-donald-trump-did-it-213581

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Fri Feb 05, 2016 2:30 pm






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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Fri Feb 05, 2016 9:12 pm



http://www.desmoinesregister.com/story/opinion/editorials/caucus/2016/02/03/editorial-something-smells-democratic-party/79777580/

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sat Feb 06, 2016 11:29 am




https://vine.co/v/iJPiJY5vY9d

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sat Feb 06, 2016 6:40 pm





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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sun Feb 07, 2016 4:06 pm





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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sun Feb 07, 2016 8:02 pm




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Mon Feb 08, 2016 8:32 am




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  woo on Tue Feb 09, 2016 9:53 am






orange mocha cappuccino

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Wed Feb 10, 2016 5:02 pm




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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Fri Feb 12, 2016 5:02 pm






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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sun Feb 14, 2016 10:00 am



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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

Post  Yakima Canutt on Sun Mar 13, 2016 6:23 pm



Donald  J.  Trump  arrived  at  the  White  House  Correspondents’  Association Dinner  in  April  2011,  reveling  in  the  moment  as  he  mingled  with  the  political luminaries  who  gathered  at  the  Washington  Hilton.  He  made  his  way  to  his seat  beside  his  host,  Lally  Weymouth,  the  journalist  and  socialite  daughter  of Katharine  Graham,  longtime  publisher  of  The  Washington  Post.
A  short  while  later,  the  humiliation  started.
The  annual  dinner  features  a  lighthearted  speech  from  the  president;;  that year,  President  Obama  chose  Mr.  Trump,  then  flirting  with  his  own presidential  bid,  as  a  punch  line.
He  lampooned  Mr.  Trump’s  gaudy  taste  in  décor.  He  ridiculed  his  fixation on  false  rumors  that  the  president  had  been  born  in  Kenya.  He  belittled  his reality  show,  “The  Celebrity  Apprentice.”
Mr.  Trump  at  first  offered  a  drawn  smile,  then  a  game  wave  of  the  hand. But  as  the  president’s  mocking  of  him  continued  and  people  at  other  tables craned  their  necks  to  gauge  his  reaction,  Mr.  Trump  hunched  forward  with  a frozen  grimace.
After  the  dinner  ended,  Mr.  Trump  quickly  left,  appearing  bruised.  He

was  “incredibly  gracious  and  engaged  on  the  way  in,”  recalled  Marcus Brauchli,  then  the  executive  editor  of  The  Washington  Post,  but  departed “with  maximum  efficiency.”
That  evening  of  public  abasement,  rather  than  sending  Mr.  Trump  away, accelerated  his  ferocious  efforts  to  gain  stature  within  the  political  world.  And it  captured  the  degree  to  which  Mr.  Trump’s  campaign  is  driven  by  a  deep yearning  sometimes  obscured  by  his  bluster  and  bragging:  a  desire  to  be  taken seriously.
That  desire  has  played  out  over  the  last  several  years  within  a  Republican Party  that  placated  and  indulged  him,  and  accepted  his  money  and  support, seemingly  not  grasping  how  fervently  determined  he  was  to  become  a  major force  in  American  politics.  In  the  process,  the  party  bestowed  upon  Mr.  Trump the  kind  of  legitimacy  that  he  craved,  which  has  helped  him  pursue  a  credible bid  for  the  presidency.
“Everybody  has  a  little  regret  there,  and  everybody  read  it  wrong,”  said David  Keene,  a  former  chairman  of  the  American  Conservative  Union,  an activist  group  Mr.  Trump  cultivated.  Of  Mr.  Trump’s  rise,  Mr.  Keene  said,  “It’s almost  comical,  except  it’s  liable  to  end  up  with  him  as  the  nominee.”
Repeatedly  underestimated  as  a  court  jester  or  silly  showman,  Mr.  Trump muscled  his  way  into  the  Republican  elite  by  force  of  will.  He  badgered  a skittish  Mitt  Romney  into  accepting  his  endorsement  on  national  television, and  became  a  celebrity  fixture  at  conservative  gatherings.  He  abandoned  his tightfisted  inclinations  and  cut  five-­  and  six-­figure  checks  in  a  bid  for  clout  as  a political  donor.  He  courted  conservative  media  leaders  as  deftly  as  he  had  the New  York  tabloids.
At  every  stage,  members  of  the  Republican  establishment  wagered  that they  could  go  along  with  Mr.  Trump  just  enough  to  keep  him  quiet  or  make him  go  away.  But  what  party  leaders  viewed  as  generous  ceremonial  gestures or  ego  stroking  of  Mr.  Trump  —  speaking  spots  at  gatherings,  meetings  with

prospective  candidates  and  appearances  alongside  Republican  heavyweights  — he  used  to  elevate  his  position  and,  eventually,  to  establish  himself  as  a formidable  figure  for  2016.
In  an  interview  on  Friday,  Mr.  Trump  acknowledged  that  he  had encountered  many  who  doubted  or  dismissed  him  as  a  political  force  before now.  “I  realized  that  unless  I  actually  ran,  I  wouldn’t  be  taken  seriously,”  he said.  But  he  denied  having  been  troubled  by  Mr.  Obama’s  derision.
“I  loved  that  dinner,”  Mr.  Trump  said,  adding,  “I  can  handle  criticism.”
Phantom  Campaign
Even  before  the  correspondents’  dinner,  Mr.  Trump  had  moved  to  grab  a bigger  role  in  political  affairs.  In  February,  he  addressed  the  annual Conservative  Political  Action  Conference.  Organizers  gave  Mr.  Trump  an afternoon  speaking  slot,  and  Mr.  Keene  perceived  him  as  an  entertaining attraction,  secondary  to  headliners  like  Mitch  Daniels,  then  the  governor  of Indiana.
But  Mr.  Trump  understood  his  role  differently.  Reading  carefully  from  a prepared  text,  he  tested  the  themes  that  would  one  day  frame  his  presidential campaign:  American  economic  decline,  and  the  weakness  and  cluelessness  of politicians  in  Washington.
Over  the  next  few  months,  Mr.  Trump  met  quietly  with  Republican pollsters  who  tested  a  political  message  and  gauged  his  image  across  the country,  according  to  people  briefed  on  his  efforts,  some  of  whom  would  speak about  them  only  on  the  condition  of  anonymity.
One  pollster,  Kellyanne  Conway,  took  a  survey  that  showed  Mr.  Trump’s negative  ratings  were  sky-­high,  but  advised  him  there  was  still  an  opening  for him  to  run.

Another,  John  McLaughlin,  who  had  been  recommended  to  Mr.  Trump  by the  former  Clinton  adviser  Dick  Morris,  drew  up  a  memo  that  described  how Mr.  Trump  could  run  as  a  counterpoint  to  Mr.  Obama  in  2012,  and  outshine Mr.  Romney  with  his  relentless  antagonism  of  the  president.
Roger  Stone,  a  longtime  Trump  adviser,  wrote  a  column  on  his  website envisioning  a  Trump  candidacy  steamrolling  to  the  nomination,  powered  by wall-­to-­wall  media  attention.
After  all  that  preparation,  Mr.  Trump  rejected  two  efforts  to  “draft”  him set  up  by  close  advisers.  If  his  interest  in  politics  was  growing,  he  was  not  yet prepared  to  abandon  his  career  as  a  reality  television  host:  In  mid-­May,  Mr. Trump  announced  that  he  would  not  run  and  canceled  a  planned  speech  to  a major  Republican  fund-­raising  dinner  in  Iowa.
Latching  On  to  Romney
Having  stepped  back  from  a  campaign  of  his  own,  Mr.  Trump  sought relevance  through  Mr.  Romney’s.  Again,  Mr.  Trump’s  determination  to  seize  a role  for  himself  collided  with  the  skepticism  of  those  he  approached:  While  he saw  himself  as  an  important  spokesman  on  economic  issues  and  a  credible champion  for  the  party,  the  Romney  campaign  viewed  him  as  an  unpredictable attention-­seeker  with  no  real  political  foundation.
Still,  given  his  expansive  media  platform  —  in  addition  to  his  reality-­show franchise,  Mr.  Trump  was  a  frequent  guest  on  Fox  News  —  and  a  fortune  that he  could  theoretically  bestow  upon  a  campaign,  Mr.  Trump  was  drawing presidential  candidates  seeking  his  support  to  his  Fifth  Avenue  high-­rise.  In September  2011,  Mr.  Romney  made  the  trip,  entering  and  exiting  discreetly, with  no  cameras  on  hand  to  capture  the  event.
The  decision  to  court  Mr.  Trump,  former  Romney  aides  said  in  interviews, stemmed  partly  from  the  desire  to  use  him  for  fund-­raising  help,  but  also  from

the  conviction  that  it  would  be  more  dangerous  to  shun  such  an  expert provocateur  than  to  build  a  relationship  with  him  and  try  to  contain  him.
The  test  of  that  strategy  came  in  January  2012,  before  the  make-­or-­break Florida  primary,  when  Mr.  Trump  reached  out  to  say  he  wanted  to  endorse Mr.  Romney  at  a  Trump  property  in  the  state.  Wary  of  such  a  spectacle  in  a crucial  state,  Mr.  Romney’s  aides  began  a  concerted  effort  to  relegate  Mr. Trump’s  endorsement  to  a  sideshow.
The  Romney  campaign  conducted  polling  in  four  states  that  showed  Mr. Trump  unpopular  everywhere  but  Nevada,  and  suggested  to  Mr.  Trump  that they  hold  an  endorsement  event  there,  far  away  from  Florida  voters.
On  the  day  he  was  to  deliver  the  endorsement  in  Las  Vegas,  according  to Mr.  Romney’s  advisers,  Mr.  Trump  met  with  Romney  aides  and  said  he  hoped to  hold  a  joint  news  conference  with  Mr.  Romney,  raising  for  the  campaign  the terrifying  possibility  that  Mr.  Romney  might  end  up  on  camera  responding  to reporters’  questions  next  to  a  man  who  had  spent  months  questioning  whether the  president  was  an  American  citizen.
In  an  appeal  to  Mr.  Trump’s  vanity,  the  Romney  campaign  stressed  that his  endorsement  was  so  vital  —  with  such  potential  to  ripple  in  the  media  — that  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  dilute  the  impact  with  a  question-­and-­answer session.
“The  self-­professed  genius  was  just  stupid  enough  to  buy  our  ruse,”  said Ryan  Williams,  a  former  spokesman  for  the  Romney  campaign.  While  they agreed  to  hold  the  event  in  a  Trump  hotel,  the  campaign  put  up  blue  curtains around  the  ballroom  when  the  endorsement  took  place,  so  that  Mr.  Romney did  not  appear  to  be  standing  “in  a  burlesque  house  or  one  of  Saddam’s palaces,”  Mr.  Williams  said.  On  stage,  as  the  cameras  captured  the  moment, Mr.  Romney  seemed  almost  bewildered.  “There  are  some  things  that  you  just can’t  imagine  happening  in  your  life,”  he  told  reporters  as  he  took  the  podium, taking  in  his  surroundings.  “This  is  one  of  them.”

Mr.  Trump  insisted  in  the  interview  that  the  Romney  campaign  had strenuously  lobbied  for  his  support,  and  described  his  own  endorsement  as  the biggest  of  that  year.  “What  they’re  saying  is  not  true,”  he  said.
But  if  Mr.  Trump  expected  a  major  role  in  the  Romney  campaign,  he  was mistaken.  While  Mr.  Trump  hosted  fund-­raising  events  for  Mr.  Romney,  the two  men  never  hit  the  campaign  trail  together.  The  campaign  allowed  Mr. Trump  to  record  automated  phone  calls  for  Mr.  Romney,  but  drew  the  line  at his  demand  for  a  prominent  speaking  slot  at  the  Republican  National Convention.  (Mr.  Trump  recorded  a  video  to  be  played  on  the  first  day  of  the convention,  but  the  whole  day’s  events  were  canceled  because  of  bad  weather.)
Stuart  Stevens,  a  senior  strategist  for  Mr.  Romney,  believed  that  Mr. Trump  had  been  strictly  corralled.  “He  wanted  to  campaign  with  Mitt,”  Mr. Stevens  wrote  in  an  email.  “Nope.  Killed.  Wanted  to  speak  at  the  convention. Nope.  Killed.”
Still,  to  Mr.  Romney’s  opponent  that  year,  the  accommodation  of  Mr. Trump  looked  egregious.  Mr.  Obama,  in  a  speech  on  Friday,  said  Republicans had  long  treated  Mr.  Trump’s  provocations  as  “a  hoot”  —  just  as  long  as  they were  directed  at  the  president.
Building  an  Operation
Only  a  handful  of  people  close  to  Mr.  Trump  understood  the  depth  of  his interest  in  the  presidency,  and  the  earnestness  with  which  he  eyed  the  2016 campaign.  Mr.  Trump  had  struck  up  a  friendship  in  2009  with  David  N. Bossie,  the  president  of  the  conservative  group  Citizens  United,  who  met  Mr. Trump  through  the  casino  magnate  Steve  Wynn.
Mr.  Trump  conferred  with  Mr.  Bossie  during  the  2012  election  and,  as 2016  approached,  sought  his  advice  on  setting  up  a  campaign  structure.  Mr. Bossie  made  recommendations  for  staff  members  to  hire,  and  Mr.  Trump

embraced  them.
Mr.  Trump  also  carefully  cultivated  relationships  with  conservative  media outlets,  reaching  out  to  talk  radio  personalities  and  right-­wing  websites  like Breitbart.com.
By  then,  Mr.  Trump  had  won  a  degree  of  acceptance  as  a  Republican donor.  Advised  by  Mr.  Stone,  one  of  his  longest-­serving  counselors,  he  had abandoned  his  long-­held  practice  of  giving  modest  sums  to  both  parties,  and opened  his  checkbook  for  Republicans  with  unprecedented  enthusiasm.
Mr.  Trump  began  a  relationship  with  Reince  Priebus,  the  Republican National  Committee  chairman,  who  was  trying  to  rescue  the  party  from  debt. He  gave  substantial  donations  to  “super  PACs”  supporting  Republican  leaders on  Capitol  Hill.
In  2014,  he  cut  a  quarter-­million  dollar  check  to  the  Republican Governors  Association,  in  response  to  a  personal  entreaty  from  the  group’s chairman  —  Chris  Christie.  Still,  Mr.  Trump’s  intentions  seemed  opaque.
In  January  2015,  Mr.  Trump  met  for  breakfast  in  Des  Moines  with  Newt and  Callista  Gingrich.  Having  traveled  to  Iowa  to  speak  at  a  conservative event,  Mr.  Trump  peppered  Mr.  Gingrich  with  questions  about  the  experience of  running  for  president,  asking  about  how  a  campaign  is  set  up,  what  it  is  like to  run  and  what  it  would  cost.
Mr.  Gingrich  said  he  had  seen  Mr.  Trump  until  then  as  “a  guy  who  is getting  publicity,  playing  a  game  with  the  birther  stuff  and  enjoying  the limelight.”  In  Iowa,  a  different  reality  dawned.
“That’s  the  first  time  I  thought,  you  know,  he  is  really  thinking  about running,”  Mr.  Gingrich  said.
On  June  16,  2015,  after  theatrically  descending  on  the  escalator  at  Trump Tower,  Mr.  Trump  announced  his  candidacy  for  president,  hitting  the  precise

themes  he  had  laid  out  in  the  Conservative  Political  Action  Conference  speech five  years  earlier.
“We  are  going  to  make  our  country  great  again,”  Mr.  Trump  declared.  “I will  be  the  greatest  jobs  president  that  God  ever  created.”
Still,  rival  campaigns  and  many  in  the  news  media  did  not  regard  him seriously,  predicting  that  he  would  quickly  withdraw  from  the  race  and  return to  his  reality  show.  Pundits  seemed  unaware  of  the  spade  work  he  had  done throughout  that  spring,  taking  a  half  dozen  trips  to  early  voting  states  of  Iowa, New  Hampshire  and  South  Carolina  and  using  forums  hosted  by  Mr.  Bossie’s group  to  road  test  a  potential  campaign.
Even  as  he  jumped  to  an  early  lead,  opponents  suggested  that  he  was riding  his  celebrity  name  recognition  and  would  quickly  fade.  It  was  only  late in  the  fall,  when  Mr.  Trump  sustained  a  position  of  dominance  in  the  race  — delivering  a  familiar,  nationalist  message  about  immigration  controls  and trade  protectionism  —  that  his  Republican  rivals  began  to  treat  him  as  a mortal  threat.
Mr.  Trump,  by  then,  had  gained  the  kind  of  status  he  had  long  been denied,  and  seemed  more  and  more  gleeful  as  he  took  in  the  significance  of what  he  had  achieved.
“A  lot  of  people  have  laughed  at  me  over  the  years,”  he  said  in  a  speech days  before  the  New  Hampshire  primary.  “Now,  they’re  not  laughing  so much.”

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Re: The Corn-Dog & The Congress-Woman : One Nation Compleating the Enlightenment Project

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